<P ALIGN=CENTER>Fig.
25. Admiral
William. Sowden Sims, Commander of American naval forces operating
in European waters during the Great War</TD>
|
<P ALIGN=CENTER>Fig.
26. A
silver model of the Mayflower, the farewell gift of the Plymouth
Council to Mr. Page</TD>
</TR>
</TABLE></CENTER>
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Frank L. Polk
London, March 22, 1918.
DEAR MR. POLK:
You are good enough to mention the fact that the Embassy has
some sort of grievance against the Department. Of course it has,
and you are, possibly, the only man that can remove it. It is
this: You don't come here to see the war and this government
and these people who are again saving the world as we are now
saving them. I thank Heaven and the Administration for Secretary
Baker's visit. It is a dramatic moment in the history of the
race, of democracy, and of the world. The State Department has
the duty to deal with foreign affairs---the especial duty---and
yet no man in the State Department has been here since the war
began. This doesn't look pretty and it won't look pretty when
the much over-worked "future historian " writes it
down in a book. Remove that grievance.
The most interesting thing going on in the world to-day ---a
thing that in History will transcend the war and be reckoned
its greatest gain---is the high leadership of the President in
formulating the struggle, in putting its aims high, and in taking
the democratic lead in the world, a lead that will make the world
over---and in taking the democratic lead of the English-speaking
folk. Next most impressive to that is to watch the British response
to that lead. Already they have doubled the number of their voters,
and even more important definite steps in Democracy will be taken.
My aim--and it's the only way to save the world---is to lead
the British in this direction. They are the most easily teachable
people in our way of thinking and of doing. Of course everybody
who works toward such an aim provokes the cry from a lot of fools
among us who accuse him of toadying to the English and of "accepting
the conventional English conclusion." They had as well talk
of missionaries to India accepting Confucius or Buddha. Their
fleet has saved us four or five times. It's about time we were
saying them from this bloody Thing that we call Europe, for our
sake and for theirs.
The bloody Thing will get us all if we don't fight our level
best; and .it's only by our help that we'll be saved.
That clearly gives us the leadership. Everybody sees that. Everybody
acknowledges it. The President authoritatively speaks it---speaks
leadership on a higher level than it was ever spoken before to
the whole world. As soon as we get this fighting job over, the
world procession toward freedom---our kind of freedom---will
begin under our lead. This being so, can't you delegate the writing
of telegrams about "facilitating the license to ship poppy
seed to McKesson and Robbins," and come over and see big
world-forces at work?
I cannot express my satisfaction at Secretary Baker's visit.
It was historic---the first member of the Cabinet, I think, who
ever came here while he held office. He made a great impression
and received a hearty welcome.
That's the only grievance I can at the moment unload on you.
We're passing out of our old era of isolation. These benighted
heathen on this island whom we'll yet save (since they are well
worth saying) will be with us as we need them in future years
and centuries. Come, help us heighten this fine spirit.
Always heartily yours,
WALTER HINES PAGE.
P. S. You'd see how big our country looks from a distance.
It's gigantic, I assure you.
.
The above letter was written on what was perhaps the darkest
day of the whole war. The German attack on the Western Front,
which had been long expected, had now been launched, and, at the
moment that Page was penning this cheery note to Mr. Polk, the
German armies had broken through the British defenses, had pushed
their lines forty miles ahead, and, in the judgment of many military
men, had Paris almost certainly within their grasp. A great German
gun, placed about seventy miles from the French capital, was dropping
shells upon the apparently doomed city. This attack had been regarded
as inevitable since the collapse of Russia, which had enabled
the Germans to concentrate practically all their armies on the
Western Front.
The world does not yet fully comprehend the devastating effect
of this apparently successful attack upon the allied morale. British
statesmen and British soldiers made no attempt to conceal from
official Americans the desperate state of affairs. It was the
expectation that the Germans might reach Calais and thence invade
England. The War Office discussed these probabilities most freely
with Colonel Slocum, the American military attaché. The
simple fact was that both the French and the British armies were
practically bled white.
"For God's sake, get your men over!" they urged General
Slocum. "You have got to finish it."
Page was writing urgently to President Wilson to the same purpose.
Send the men and send them at once. "I pray God," were
his solemn words to Mr. Wilson,"that you will not be too
late! "
One propitious event had taken place at the same time as the
opening of the great German offensive. Mr. Newton D. Baker, the
American Secretary of War, had left quietly for France in late
February, 1918, and had reached the Western Front in time to obtain
a first-hand sight of the great March drive. No visit in history
has ever been better timed, and no event could have better played
into Page's hands. He had been urging Washington to send all available
forces to France at the earliest possible date; he knew, as probably
few other men knew, the extent to which the Allies were depending
upon American troops to give the final blow to Germany; and the
arrival of Secretary Baker at the scene of action gave him the
opportunity to make a personal appeal. Page immediately communicated
with the Secretary and persuaded him to come at once to London
for a consultation with British military and political leaders.
The Secretary spent only three days in London, but the visit,
brief as it was, had historic consequences. He had many consultations
with the British military men; he entered into their plans with
enthusiasm; he himself received many ideas that afterward took
shape in action, and the British Government obtained from him
first-hand information as to the progress of the American Army
and the American determination to cooperate to the last man and
the last dollar." Baker went straight back to France,"
Page wrote to his son Arthur, "and our whole cooperation
began."
Page gave a dinner to Mr. Baker at the Embassy on March 23rd---two
days after the great March drive had begun. This occasion gave
the visitor a memorable glimpse of the British temperament. Mr.
Lloyd George, Mr. Balfour, Lord Derby, the War Secretary, General
Biddle, of the United States Army, and Admiral Sims were the Ambassador's
guests. Though the mighty issues then overhanging the world were
not ignored in the conversation the atmosphere hardly suggested
that the existence of the British Empire, indeed that of civilization
itself, was that very night hanging in the balance. Possibly it
was the general sombreness of events that caused these British
statesmen to find a certain relief in jocular small talk and reminiscence.
For the larger part of the evening not a word was said about the
progress of the German armies in France. Mr. Lloyd George and
Mr. Balfour, seated on opposite sides of the table, apparently
found relaxation in reviewing their political careers and especially
their oldtime political battles. They would laughingly recall
occasions when, in American parlance, they had put each other
"in a hole"; the exigencies of war had now made these
two men colleagues in the same government, but the twenty years
preceding 1914 they had spent in political antagonism. Page's
guests on this occasion learned much political history of the
early twentieth century, and the mutual confessions of Mr. Lloyd
George and Mr. Balfour gave these two men an insight into each
others' motives and manoeuvres which was almost as revealing.
"Yes, you caught me that time," Mr. Lloyd George would
say, and then he would counter with an episode of a political
battle in which he had got the better of Mr. Balfour. The whole
talk was lively and bantering, and accompanied with much laughter;
and all this time shells from that long-distance gun were dropping
at fifteen minute intervals upon the devoted women and children
of Paris and the Germans were every hour driving the British back
in disorder. At times the conversation took a more philosophic
turn. Would the men present like to go back twenty-five years
and live their lives all over again? The practically unanimous
decision of every man was that he would not wish to do so.
All this, of course, was merely on the surface; despite the
laughter and the banter, there was only one thing which engrossed
the Ambassador's guests, although there were not many references
to it. That was the struggle which was then taking place in France.
At intervals Mr. Lloyd George would send one of the guests, evidently
a secretary, from the room. The latter, on his return, would whisper
something in the Prime Minister's ear, but more frequently he
would merely shake his head. Evidently he had been sent to obtain
the latest news of the battle.
At one point the Prime Minister did refer to the great things
taking place in France.
"This battle means one thing," he said.. "That
is a generalissimo."
"Why couldn't you have taken this step long ago?"
Admiral Sims asked Mr. Lloyd George.
The answer came like a flash.
"If the cabinet two weeks ago had suggested placing the
British Army under a foreign general, it would have fallen. Every
cabinet in Europe would also have fallen, had it suggested such
a thing."
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>Memorandum on Secretary Baker's
visit
Secretary Baker's visit here, brief as it was, gave the heartiest
satisfaction. So far as I know, he is the first member of an
American Cabinet who ever came to England while he held office,
as Mr. Balfour was the first member of a British Cabinet who
ever went to the United States while he held office. The great
governments of the English-speaking folk have surely dealt with
one another with mighty elongated tongs. Governments of democracies
are not exactly instruments of precision. But they are at least
human. But personal and human neglect of one another by these
two governments over so long a period is an astonishing fact
in our history. The wonder is that we haven't had more than two
wars. And it is no wonder that the ignorance of Englishmen about
America and the American ignorance of England are monumental,
stupendous, amazing, passing understanding. I have on my mantelpiece
a statuette of Benjamin Franklin, an excellent and unmistakable
likeness which was made here during his lifetime; and the inscription
burnt on its base is Geo. Washington. It serves me many
a good turn with my English friends. I use it as a measure of
their ignorance of us. Of course this is a mere little error
of a statuette-maker, an error, moreover, of a hundred years
ago. But it tells the story of to-day also. If I had to name
the largest and most indelible impression that has been made
on me during my five years' work here, I should say the ignorance
and aloofness of the two peoples---not an ignorance of big essential
facts but of personalities and temperaments---such as never occur
except between men who had never seen one another.
But I was writing about Mr. Baker's visit and I've got a long
way from that. I doubt if he knows himself what gratification
it gave; for these men here have spoken to me about it as they
could not speak to him.
Here is an odd fact: For sixty years, so far as I know, members
of the Administration have had personal acquaintance with some
of the men in power in Salvador, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Peru,
etc., etc., and members of the British Government have had personal
acquaintance with some men in authority in Portugal, Serbia,
Montenegro and Monte Carlo; but during this time (with the single
exception of John Hay) I think no member of any Administration
had a real personal acquaintance while he held office with any
member of the British Government while he held office, and vice
versa---till Mr. Balfour's visit. Suspicion grows out of ignorance.
The longer I live here the more astonished I become at the fundamental
ignorance of the British about us and of our fundamental ignorance
about them. So colossal is this ignorance that every American
sent here is supposed to be taken in, to become Anglophile; and
often when one undertakes to enlighten Englishmen about the United
States one becomes aware of a feeling inside the English of unbelief,
as if he said, " Oh, well! you are one of those queer people
who believe in republican government." All this is simply
amazing. Poor Admiral Sims sometimes has a sort of mania, a delusion
that nobody at Washington trusts his judgment because he said
seven or eight years ago that he liked the English. Yet every
naval officer who comes here, I understand, shares his views
about practically every important naval problem or question.
I don't deserve the compliment (it's a very high one) that some
of my secretaries sometimes pay me when they say that I am the
only man they know who tries to tell the whole truth to our Government
in favour of the Englishman as well as against him. It is certain
that American public opinion is universally supposed to suspect
any American who tries to do anything with the British lion except
to twist his tail---a supposition that I never believed to be
true.---But it is true that the mutual ignorance is as high as
the Andes and as deep as the ocean. Personal acquaintance removes
it and nothing else will.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Arthur W. Page
American Embassy,
London, April 7, 1918.
DEAR ARTHUR:
I daresay you remember this epic:
Old Morgan's wife made butter and cheese;
Old Morgan drank the whey.
There came a wind from West to East
And blew Old Morgan away.
I'm Old Morgan and your mother got ashamed of my wheyness
and made the doctor prescribe cream for me. There's never been
such a luxury, and anybody who supposes that I am now going to
get fat and have my cream stopped simply doesn't know me. So,
you see why I'm intent on shredded wheat biscuits. That's about
the best form of real wheat that will keep. And there's no getting
real wheat-stuff, pure and simple, in any other form.
There's no use in talking about starving people---except perhaps
in India and China. White men can live on anything. The English
could fight a century on cabbage and Brussels sprouts. I've given
up hope of starving the Germans. A gut of dogmeat or horse flesh
and a potato will keep them in fighting trim forever. I've read
daily for two years of impending starvation across the Rhine;
but I never even now hear of any dead ones from hunger. Cold
steel or lead is the only fatal dose for them.
Therefore I know that shredded wheat will carry me through.
You'll see, I hope, from the clippings that I enclose that
I'm not done for yet anyhow. Two speeches a day is no small stunt;
and I did it again yesterday---hand running; and I went out to
dinner afterward. It was a notable occasion---this celebration
of the anniversary of our coming into the war.(<A NAME="n187"></A><A
HREF="Pagenotes.htm#187">187</A>)
Nobody here knows definitely just what to fear from the big
battle; but everybody fears more or less. It's a critical time---very.
I am told that that long-range gunning of Paris is the worst
form of frightfulness yet tried. The shells do not kill a great
many people. But their falling every fifteen minutes gets on
people's nerves and they can't sleep. I hear they are leaving
Paris in great numbers. Since the big battle began and the Germans
have needed all their planes and more in France, they've let
London alone. But nobody knows when they will begin again.
Nobody knows any future thing about the war, and everybody
faces a fear.
Secretary Baker stayed with me the two days and three nights
he was here. He made a good impression but he received a better
one. He now knows something about the war. I had at dinner to
meet him:
Lloyd George, Prime Minister.
Balfour, Foreign Secretary.
The Chief of Staff.
Lord Derby, War Secretary.
General Biddle, U. S. A., in command in London.
Admiral Sims, U. S. N.
The talk was to the point-good and earnest. Baker went straight
back to France and our whole cooperation began. With the
first group of four he had conferences besides for two days.
His coming was an admirable move.
Yours affectionately,
W. H. P.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Ralph W. Page
London, April 13, 1918.
DEAR RALPH:
Your cheery letters about entertaining governors, planting
trees and shrubbery and your mother's little orchard give us
much pleasure. The Southern Pines paper brings news of very great
damage to the peach crop. I hope it is much exaggerated . Is
it?
We haven't any news here, and I send you my weekly note only
to keep my record clear. The great battle---no one talks or thinks
of anything else. We have suffered and still suffer a good deal
of fear and anxiety, with real reason, too. But the military
men are reassuring. Yet I don't know just how far to trust their
judgment or to share their hopes. Certainly this is the most
dangerous situation that modern civilization was ever put in.
If we can keep them from winning any great objective,
like Paris or a channel port, we ought to end the war this year.
If not, either they win or at the least prolong the war indefinitely.
It's a hazardous and trying time.
There were never such casualties on either side as now. Such
a bloody business cannot keep up all summer. But before everybody
is killed or a decisive conclusion is reached, the armies will,
no doubt, dig themselves in and take a period of comparative
rest. People here see and feel the great danger. But the extra
effort now may come too late. Still we keep up good hope. The
British are hard to whip. They never give up. And as for the
French army, I always remember Verdun and keep my courage up.
The wounded are coming over by the thousand. We are incomparably
busy and in great anxiety about the result (though still pretty
firm in the belief that the Germans will lose), and luckily we
keep very well.
Affectionately,
W. H. P.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Ralph W. Page
London, April 7, 1918.
DEAR RALPH:
There used to be a country parson down in Wake County who,
when other subjects were talked out, always took up the pleasing
topic of saying your soul. That's the way your mother and I do---with
the subject of going home. We talk over the battle, we talk over
the boys, we talk over military and naval problems, we discuss
the weather and all the babies, and then take up politics, and
talk over the gossip of the wiseacres; but we seldom finish a
conversation without discussing going home. And we reach just
about as clear a conclusion on our topic as the country parson
reached on his. I've had the doctors going over me (or rather
your mother has) as an expert accountant goes over your books;
and I tried to bribe them to say that I oughtn't to continue
my arduous duties here longer. They wouldn't say any such thing.
Thus that device failed---dead. It looks as if I were destined
for a green old age and no martyr business at all.
All this is disappointing; and I don't see what to do but
to go on. I can't keep from hoping that the big battle may throw
some light on the subject; but there's no telling when the big
battle will end. Nothing ends---that's the trouble. I sometimes
feel that the war may never end, that it may last as the Napoleonic
Wars did, for 20 years; and before that time we'll all have guns
that shoot 100 miles. We can stay at home and indefinitely bombard
the enemy across the Rhine-have an endless battle at long range.
So, we stick to it, and give the peach trees time to grow
up.
We had a big day in London yesterday---the anniversary of
our entry into the war. I send you some newspaper clippings about
it.
The next best news is that we have a little actual sunshine---a
very rare thing---and some of the weather is now almost decent.
Affectionately,
W. H. P.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER><A NAME="ch26"></A>CHAPTER XXVI
<P ALIGN=CENTER>LAST DAYS IN ENGLAND
IN SPITE of the encouraging tone of the foregoing letters,
everything was not well with Page. All through the winter of 1917-1918
his associates at the Embassy had noticed a change for the worse
in his health. He seemed to be growing thinner; his face was daily
becoming more haggard; he tired easily, and, after walking the
short distance from his house to his Embassy, he would drop listlessly
into his chair. His general bearing was that of a man who was
physically and nervously exhausted. It was hoped that the holiday
at St. Ives would help him; that he greatly enjoyed that visit,
especially the westward on the Atlantic which it gave him, his
letters clearly show; there was a temporary improvement also in
his health, but only a temporary one. The last great effort which
he made in the interest of the common cause was Secretary Baker's
visit; the activities which this entailed wearied him, but the
pleasure he obtained from the resultant increase in the American
participation made the experience one of the most profitable of
his life. Indeed, Page's last few months in England, though full
of sad memories for his friends, contained little but satisfaction
for himself. He still. spent many a lonely evening by his fire,
but his thoughts were now far more pleasurable than in the old
Lusitania days. The one absorbing subject of contemplation
now was that America was "in." His country had justified
his deep confidence. The American Navy had played a determining
part in defeating the submarine, and American shipyards were turning
out merchant ships faster than the Germans were destroying them.
American troops were reaching France at a rate which necessarily
meant the early collapse of the German Empire. Page's own family
had responded to the call and this in itself was a cause of great
contentment to a sick and weary man. The Ambassador's youngest
son, Frank, had obtained a commission and was serving in France;
his son-in-law, Charles G. Loring, was also on the Western Front;
while from North Carolina Page's youngest brother Frank and two
nephews had sailed for the open battle line. The bravery and success
of the American troops did not surprise the Ambassador but they
made his last days in England very happy.
Indeed, every day had some delightful experience for Page.
The performance of the Americans at Cantigny especially cheered
him. The day after this battle he and Mrs. Page entertained Mr.
Lloyd George and other guests at lunch. The Prime Minister came
bounding into the room with his characteristic enthusiasm, rushed
up to Mrs. Page with both hands outstretched and shook hands joyously.
"Congratulations!" he exclaimed. "The Americans
have done it! They have met the Prussian guard and defeated them!"
Mr. Lloyd George was as exuberant over the achievement as a
child.
This was now the kind of experience that had become Page's
daily routine. Lively as were his spirits, however, his physical
frame was giving way. In fact Page, though he did not know it
at the time, was suffering from a specific disease---nephritis;
and its course, after Christmas of 1918, became rapid. His old
friend, Dr. Wallace Buttrick, had noted the change for the worse
and had attempted to persuade him to go home.
"Quit your job, Page," he urged. "You have other
big tasks waiting you at home. Why don't you go back?"
"No---no---not now."
"But, Page," urged Dr. Buttrick, "you are going
to lay down your life."
"I have only one life to lay down," was the reply.
"I can't quit now."
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Mary E. Page(<A
NAME="n188"></A><A HREF="Pagenotes.htm#188">188</A>)
London, May 12,1918.
DEAR MARY:
You'll have to take this big paper and this paint brush pen---it's
all the pen these blunt British have. This is to tell you how
very welcome your letter to Alice is---how very welcome,
for nobody writes us the family news and nothing is so much appreciated.
I'll try to call the shorter roll of us in the same way:
After a miserable winter we, too, are having the rare experience
of a little sunshine in this dark, damp world of London. The
constant confinement in the city and in the house (that's
the worst of it---no outdoor life or fresh air) has played hob
with my digestion. It's not bad, but it's troublesome, and for
some time I've had the feeling of being one half well. It occurred
to me the other day that I hadn't had leave from my work for
four years, except my short visit home nearly two years ago.
I asked for two months off, and I've got it. We are going down
by the shore where there is fresh air and where I can live outdoors
and get some exercise. We have a house that we can get there
and be comfortable. To get away from London when the weather
promises to be good, and to get away from people seemed a joyous
prospect. I can, at any time I must, come to London in two hours.
The job's too important to give up at this juncture. This,
then, is the way we can keep it going. I've no such hard task
now as I had during the years of our neutrality, which, praise
God! I somehow survived, though I am now suffering more or less
from the physical effects of that strain. Yet, since I have had
the good fortune to win the confidence of this Government and
these people, I feel that I ought to keep on now until some more
or less natural time to change comes.
Alice keeps remarkably well---since her influenza late in
the winter; but a rest away from London is really needed as much
by her as by me. They work her to death. In a little while she
is to go, by the invitation of the Government and the consent
of the King, to christen a new British warship at Newcastle.
It will be named the "Eagle." Meantime I'll be trying
to get outdoor life at Sandwich.
Yesterday a regiment of our National Army marched through
the streets of London and were reviewed by the King and me; and
the town made a great day of it. While there is an undercurrent
of complaint in certain sections of English opinion because we
didn't come into the war sooner, there is a very general and
very genuine appreciation of everything we have done and of all
that we do. Nothing could be heartier than the welcome given
our men here yesterday. Nor could any men have made a braver
or better showing than they made. They made us all swell with
pride.
They are coming over now, as you know, in great quantities.
There were about 8,000 landed here last week and about 30,000
more are expected this week. I think that many more go direct
to France than come through England. On their way through England
they do not come to London. Only twice have we had them here,
yesterday and one day last summer when we had a parade of a regiment
of engineers. For the army London is on a sidetrack---is an out
of the way place. For our navy, of course, it's the European
headquarters, since Admiral Sims has his headquarters here. We
thus see a good many of our sailors who are allowed to come to
London on leave. A few days ago I had a talk with a little bunch
of them who came from one of our superdreadnaughts in the North
Sea. They had just returned from a patrol across to the coast
of Norway. "Bad luck, bad luck," they said, "on
none of our long patrol trips have we seen a single Hun ship!
"
About the war, you know as much as I know. There is a general
confidence that the Allies will hold the Germans in their forthcoming
effort to get to Calais or to Paris. Yet there is an undercurrent
of fear. Nobody knows just how to feel about it. Probably another
prodigious onslaught will be made before you receive this letter.
It seems to me that we can make no intelligent guess until this
German effort is finished in France---no guess about the future.
If the Germans get the French ports (Calais, for example) the
war will go on indefinitely. If they are held back, it may end
next autumn or winter ---partly because of starvation in Germany
and partly because the Germans will have to confess that they
can't whip our armies in France. But, even then, since they have
all Russia to draw on, they may keep going for a long time. One
man's guess is as good as another's.
One sad thing is certain: we shall at once begin to have heavy
American casualties. Our Red Cross and our army here are getting
hospitals ready for such American wounded as are brought over
to England---the parts of our army that are fighting with the
British.
We have a lot of miserable politics here which interfere with
the public feeling. The British politician is a worse yellow
dog than the American---at times he is, at least; and we have
just been going through such a time. Another such time will soon
come about the Irish.
Well, we have an unending quantity of work and wear -no very
acute bothers but a continuous strain, the strain of actual work,
of uneasiness, of seeing people, of uncertainty, of great expense,
of doubt and fear at times, of inability to make any plans---all
which is only the common lot now all over the world, except that
most persons have up to this time suffered incomparably worse
than we. And there's nothing to do but to go on and on and on
and to keep going with the stoutest hearts we can keep up till
the end do at last come. But the Germans now (as the rest of
us) are fighting for their lives. They are desperate and their
leaders care nothing for human life.
The Embassy now is a good deal bigger than the whole State
Department ever was in times of peace. I have three buildings
for offices, and a part of our civil force occupies two other
buildings. Even a general supervision of so large a force is
in itself a pretty big job. The army and the Navy have each about
the same space as the Embassy proper. Besides, our people have
huts and inns and clubs and hospitals all over the town. Even
though there be fewer vexing problems than there were while we
were neutral, there is not less work---on the contrary, more.
Nor will there be an end to it for a very long time---long after
my time here. The settling of the war and the beginning of peace
activities, whenever these come, will involve a great volume
of work. But I've no ambition to have these things in hand. As
soon as a natural time of relief shall come, I'll go and be happier
in my going than you or anybody else can guess.
Now we go to get my digestion stiffened up for another long
tug---unless the Germans proceed forthwith to knock us out---which
they cannot do.
With my love to everybody on the Hill,
Affectionately yours,
W. H. P.
.
Mr. and Mrs. Waldorf Astor---since become Viscount and Viscountess
Astor---had offered the Pages the use of their beautiful seaside
house at Sandwich, Kent, and it was the proposed vacation here
to which Page refers in this letter. He obtained a six weeks'
leave of absence and almost the last letters which Page wrote
from England are dated from this place. These letters have all
the qualities of Page at his best: but the handwriting is a sad
reminder of the change that was progressively taking place in
his physical condition. It is still a clear and beautiful script,
but there are signs of a less steady hand than the one that had
written the vigorous papers of the preceding four years.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>Memorandum
Sandwich, Kent, Sunday, 19 May, 1918.
We're at Rest Harrow and it's a fine, sunny early spring Carolina
day. The big German drive has evidently begun its second phase.
We hear the guns distinctly. We see the coast-guard aeroplanes
at almost any time o' day. What is the mood about the big battle?
The soldiers---British and French---have confidence in their
ability to hold the Germans back from the Channel and from Paris.
Yet can one rely on the judgment of soldiers? They have the job
in hand and of course they believe in themselves. While one does
not like in the least to discount their judgment and their hopefulness,
for my part I am not quite so sure of their ability to
make sound judgments as I wish I were. The chances are in favour
of their success; but---suppose they should have to yield and
give up Calais and other Channel ports? Well, they've prepared
for it as best they can. They have made provision for commandeering
most of the hotels in London that are not yet taken over---for
hospitals for the wounded now in France.
And the war would take on a new phase. Whatever should become
of the British and American armies, the Germans would be no nearer
having England than they now are. They would not have command
of the sea. The combined British and American fleets could keep
every German ship off the ocean and continue the blockade by
sea---indefinitely; and, if the peoples of the two countries
hold fast, a victory would be won at last---at sea.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Ralph W. Page
Rest Harrow, Sandwich, Kent.
May 19, 1918.
DEAR RALPH:
I felt -very proud yesterday when I read T. R.'s good word
in the Outlook about your book.(<A NAME="n189"></A><A
HREF="Pagenotes.htm#189">189</A>) If I had written what he said
myself---I mean, if I had written what I think of the book---I
should have said this very thing. And there is one thing more
I should have said, viz.:---All your life and all my life, we
have cultivated the opinion at home that we had nothing to do
with the rest of the world, nothing to do with Europe in particular---and
in our political life our hayseed spokesmen have said this over
and over again till many people, perhaps most people, came really
to believe that it was true. Now this aloofness, this utterly
detached attitude, was a pure invention of the shirt-sleeve statesman
at home. I have long concluded, for other reasons as well as
for this, that these men are the most ignorant men in the whole
world; more ignorant---because they are viciously ignorant---than
the Negro boys who act as caddies at Pinehurst; more ignorant
than the inmates of the Morganton Asylum; more ignorant than
sheep or rabbits or idiots. They have been the chief hindrances
of our country---worse than traitors, in effect. It is they,
in fact, who kept our people ignorant of the Germans, ignorant
of the English, ignorant of our own history, ignorant of ourselves.
Now your book, without mentioning the subject, shows this important
fact clearly, by showing that our aloofness has all been a fiction.
We've been in the world---and right in the middle of the world---the
whole time.
And our public consciousness of this fact has enormously slipped
back. Take Franklin, Madison, Monroe, Jefferson; take Hay, Root---and
then consider some of our present representatives! One good result
of the war and of our being in it will be the restoration of
our foreign consciousness. Every one of the half million, or
three million, soldiers who go to France will know more about
foreign affairs than all Congress knew two years ago.
A stay of nearly five years in London (five years ago to-day
I was on the ship coming here) with no absence long enough to
give any real rest, have got my digestion wrong. I've therefore
got a real leave for two months. Your mother and I have a beautiful
house here that has been lent to us, right on the Channel where
there's nothing worth bombing and where as much sunshine and
warmth come as come anywhere in England. We got here last night
and to-day is as fine an early spring day as you ever had in
the Sandhills. I shall golf and try to find me an old horse to
ride, and I'll stay out in the sunshine and try to get the inside
machinery going all right. We may have a few interruptions, but
I hope not many, if the Germans leave us alone. Your mother has
got to go to Newcastle to christen a new British warship---a
compliment the Admiralty pays her "to bind the two nations
closer together" etc. etc. And I've got to go to Cambridge
to receive an LL. D. for the President. Only such things are
allowed to interrupt us. And we are very much hoping to see Frank
here.
We are in sound of the battle. We hear the big guns whenever
we go outdoors. A few miles down the beach is a rifle range and
we hear the practice there. Almost any time of day we can hear
aeroplanes which (I presume) belong to the coast guard. There's
no danger of forgetting the war, therefore, unless we become
stone deaf. But this decent air and sunshine are blessings of
the highest kind. I never became so tried of anything since I
had the measles as I've become of London.
My Lord! it sounded last night as if we had jumped from the
frying pan into the fire. Just as we were about to go to bed
the big gun on the beach-just outside the fence around our yard----about
50 yards from the house, began its thundering belch---five times
in quick succession, rattling the windows and shaking the very
foundation of things. Then after a pause of a few minutes, another
round of five shots. Then the other guns all along the beach
took up the chorus---farther off---and the inland guns followed.
They are planted all the way to London ---ninety miles. For about
two hours we had this roar and racket. There was an air raid
on, and there were supposed to be twenty-five or thirty German
planes on their way to London. I hear that it was the worst raid
that London has had. Two of them were brought down ---that's
the only good piece of news I've heard about it. Well, we are
not supposed to be in danger. They fly over us on the way to
bigger game. At any rate I'll take the risk for this air and
sunshine. Trenches and barbed wire run all along the beach---I
suppose to help in case of an invasion. But an invasion is impossible
in my judgment. Holy Moses! what a world!---the cannon in the
big battle in France roaring in our ears all the time, this cannon
at our door likely to begin action any night and all the rest
along the beach and on the way to London, and this is what we
call rest! The world is upside down, all crazy, all murderous;
but we've got to stop this barbaric assault, whatever the cost.
Ray Stannard Baker is spending a few days with us, much to
our pleasure.
With love to Leila and the babies,
Yours affectionately,
W. H. P.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Arthur W. Page
Rest Harrow, Sandwich Beach, Sandwich, Kent, England.
May 20, 1918.
DEAR ARTHUR:
I can't get quite to the bottom of the anti-English feeling
at Washington. God knows, this people have their faults. Their
social system and much else here is mediæval. I could write
several volumes in criticism of them. So I could also in criticism
of anybody else.
But Jefferson's(<A NAME="n190"></A><A HREF="Pagenotes.htm#190">190</A>)
letter is as true to-day as it was when he wrote it. One may
or may not have a lot of sentiment about it; but, without sentiment,
it's mere common sense, mere prudence, the mere instinct of safety
to keep close to Great Britain, to have a decent respect for
the good qualities of these people and of this government. Certainly
it is a mere perversity---lost time---lost motion, lost everything---to
cherish a dislike and a distrust of them ---a thing that I cannot
wholly understand. While we are, I fear, going to have trade
troubles and controversies, my feeling is, on the whole, in spite
of the attitude of our official life, that an increasing number
of our people are waking up to what England has done and is and
may be depended on to do. Isn't that true?
We've no news here. We see nobody who knows anything. I am
far from strong---the old stomach got tired and I must gradually
coax it back to work. That's practically my sole business now
for a time, and it's a slow process. But it's coming along and
relief from seeing hordes of people is as good as medicine.
Affectionately,
W. H. P.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To the President
Sandwich, May 24, 1918.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT.'
Your speeches have a cumulative effect in cheering up the
British. As you see, if you look over the mass of newspaper clippings
that I send to the Department, or have them looked over, the
British press of all parties and shades of opinion constantly
quote them approvingly and gratefully. They have a cumulative
effect, too, in clearing the atmosphere. Take, for instance,
your declaration in New York about standing by Russia. All the
allied governments in Europe wish to stand by Russia, but their
pressing business with the war, near at hand, causes them in
a way to forget Russia; and certainly the British public, all
intent on the German "drive" in France had in a sense
forgotten Russia. You woke them up. And your "Why set a
limit to the American Army?" has had a cheering effect.
As leader and spokesman of the enemies of Germany---by far the
best trumpet-call spokesman and the strongest leader---your speeches
are worth an army in France and more, for they keep the proper
moral elevation. All this is gratefully recognized here. Public
opinion toward us is wholesome and you have a "good press"
in this Kingdom. In this larger matter, all is well. The English
faults are the failings of the smaller men---about smaller matters---not
of the large men nor of the public, about large matters.
In private, too, thoughtful Englishmen by their fears pay
us high tribute. I hear more and more constantly such an opinion
as this: "You see, when the war is over, you Americans will
have much the largest merchant fleet. You will have much the
largest share of money, and England and France and all the rest
of the world will owe you money. You will have a large share
of essential raw materials. You will have the machinery for marine
insurance and for foreign banking. You will have much the largest
volume of productive labour. And you will know the world as you
have never known it before. What then is going to become of British
trade?"
The best answer I can give is: "Adopt American methods
of manufacture, and the devil take the hindmost. There will be
for a long time plenty for everybody to do; and let us make sure
that we both play the game fairly: that's the chief matter to
look out for." That's what I most fear in the decades following
the end of the war---trade clashes.
The Englishman's pride will be hurt. I recall a speech made
to me by the friendliest of the British---Mr. Balfour himself:
"I confess that as an Englishman it hurts my pride to have
to borrow so much even from you. But I will say that I'd rather
be in your debt than in anybody else's.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Edward M. House
May 27, 1918.
MY DEAR HOUSE:
I can write in the same spirit of the Labour Group which left
for home last week. Nobody has been here from our side who had
a better influence than they. They emphatically stuck by their
instructions and took pleasure, against the blandishments of
certain British Socialists, in declaring against any meeting
with anybody from the enemy countries to discuss "peace-by-negotiation"
or anything else till the enemy is whipped. They made admirable
speeches and proved admirable representatives of the bone and
sinew of American manhood. They had dead-earnestness and good-humour
and hard horse-sense.
This sort of visit is all to the good. Great good they do,
too, in the present English curiosity to see and hear the right
sort of frank, candid Americans. Nobody who hasn't been here
lately can form an idea of the eagerness of all classes to hear
and learn about the United States. There never was, and maybe
never will be again, such a chance to inform the British and---to
help them toward a right understanding of the United States and
our people.
We are not half using the opportunity. There seems to be a
feeling on your side the ocean that we oughtn't to send men here
to "lecture" the British. No typical, earnest, sound
American who has been here has "lectured" the British.
They have all simply told facts and instructed them and won their
gratitude and removed misconceptions. For, instance, I have twenty
inquiries a week about Dr. Buttrick. He went about quietly during
his visit here and talked to university audiences and to working-men's
meetings and he captured and fascinated every man he met. He
simply told them American facts, explained the American spirit
and aims and left a grateful memory everywhere. Buttrick cost
our Government nothing: he paid his own way. But if he had cost
as much as a regiment it would have been well spent. The people
who heard him, read American utterances, American history, American
news in a new light. And most of his talk was with little groups
of men, much of it even in private conversation. He did no orating
or "lecturing." A hundred such men, if we had them,
would do more for a perfect understanding with the British people
than anything else whatsoever could do.
Yours sincerely,
WALTER H. PAGE.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Arthur W. Page
Sandwich, May 27, 1918.
DEAR ARTHUR:
. . . I do get tired--my Lord! how tired!---not of the work
but of the confinement, of the useless things I have to spend
time on, of the bad digestion that has overtaken me, of London,
of the weather, of absence from you all---of the general breaking
up of the world, of this mad slaughter of men. But, after all,
this is the common lot now and I am grateful for a chance to
do what I can. That's the true way to look at it.
. . . Worry? I don't worry about anything except the war in
general and this mad world so threatened by these devil barbarians.
And I have a feeling that, when we get a few thousand flying
machines, we'll put an end to that, alas! with the loss of many
of our brave boys. I hear the guns across the channel as I write---an
unceasing boom! boom! boom! That's what takes the stuff out of
me and gets my inside machinery wrong. Still, I'm gradually getting
even that back to normal. Golf and the poets are fine medicine.
I read Keats the other day, with entire forgetfulness of the
guns. Here we have a comfortable house, our own servants (as
many as we need), a beautiful calm sea, a perfect air and for
the present ideal weather. There's nobody down here but Scottish
soldiers. We've struck up a pleasant acquaintance with them;
and some of the fellows from the Embassy come down week ends.
Only the murderous guns keep their eternal roar.
Thanks, thanks, a thousand thanks, old man. It'll all work
out right.
. . . I look at it in this way: all's well that ends well.
We are now doing our duty. That's enough. These things don't
bother me, because doing our duty now is worth a million years
of past errors and shortcomings.
Your mother's well and spry---very, and the best company in
the world. We're having a great time.
Bully for the kids! Kiss 'em for me and Mollie too.
Affectionately,
W. H. P.
Make Shoecraft tell you everything. He's one of the best boys
and truest in the world.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Ralph W. Page
Rest Harrow, Sandwich, Kent.
June 7, 1918.
MY DEAR RALPH:
. . . I have all along cherished an expectation of two things---(1)
That when we did get an American Army by conscription, if it
should remain at war long enough to learn the game, it would
become the best army that the world ever saw, for the simple
reason that its ranks would contain more capable men than any
other country has ever produced. The proof of this comes at once.
Even our new and raw troops have astonished the veterans of the
French and British armies and (I have no doubt) of the German
Army also. It'll be our men who will whip the Germans, and there
are nobody else's men who could do it. We've already saved the
Entente from collapse by our money. We'll save the day again
by our fighting men. That is to say, we'll save the world, thank
God; and I fear it couldn't have been saved in any other way.
(2) Since the people by their mood command and compel efficiency,
the most efficient people will at last (as recent events show)
get at the concrete jobs, in spite of anybody's preferences or
philosophy. And this seems at last to be taking place. What we
have suffered and shall suffer is not failure but delays and
delays and bunglings. But they've got to end by the sheer pressure
of the people's earnestness. These two things, then, are all
to the good.
I get the morning papers here at noon. And to-day I am all
alone. Your mother went early on her journey to launch a British
battleship. I haven't had a soul to speak to all day but my servants.
At noon, therefore, I was rather eager for the papers. I saw
at a glance that a submarine is at work off the New Jersey coast!
It's an awful thing for the innocent victims, to be drowned.
But their deaths have done us a greater service than 100 times
as many lives lost in battle. If anybody lacked earnestness about
the war, I venture to guess that he doesn't lack it any longer.
If the fools would now only shell some innocent town on the coast,
the journey to Berlin would be shortened.
If the Germans had practised a chivalrous humanity in their
war for conquest, they'd have won it. Nothing on earth can now
save them; for the world isn't big enough to hold them and civilized
people. Nor is there any room for pacifists till this grim business
is done.
Affectionately,
W. H. P.
.
The last piece of writing from Sandwich is the following memorandum:
.
Sandwich, Kent.
June 10, 1918.
The Germans continue to gain ground in France---more slowly,
but still they gain. The French and British papers now give space
to plans for the final defense---the desperate defense---of Paris.
The Germans are only forty miles away. Slocum, military attaché,
thinks they will get it and he reports the same opinion at the
War Office---because the Germans have taken such a large number
of guns and so much ammunition. Some of these guns were meant
for the American troops, and they cannot now be replaced in time
if the German advance continues. But I do not know enough facts
at first hand to form an opinion. But, if Paris be taken, the
war will go on a long time ---unless the English-speaking rulers
make a compromise. And, then, in another form---and forms---it'll
go on indefinitely. There has been no more perilous or uncertain
or anxious time than now.
The United States too late, too late, too late: what if it
should turn out so?
.
But it did not turn out so. Even while Page was penning these
lines great events were taking place in France and the American
troops were having a large share in them. In June the Americans
stopped the German troops at Belleau Wood---a battle which proved
the mettle of these fresh levies not only for the benefit of the
Germans but of the Allies as well. Thus Page had the great satisfaction
of returning to London while the city was ringing with the praise
of these achievements. He found that the atmosphere had materially
changed since he had last been in the British capital; when he
had left for Sandwich there had been a general expectation that
the Germans would get Paris or the Channel ports; now, however,
there was every confidence of victory. Greatly as Page rejoiced
over the new prospect, however, the fight at Belleau Wood brought
him his last great sorrow. His nephew, Allison M. Page, of Aberdeen,
North Carolina, the son of his youngest brother, Frank, lost his
life in that engagement. At first the young man was reported "missing";
the investigation set afoot by the Ambassador for some time brought
no definite information. One of the most pathetic of Page's papers
is a brief note addressed by him to Allison Page, asking him for
news: "It's been a long time since we heard from you,"
Page wrote his nephew. "Write how it goes with you. Affectionately,
Uncle Wat." After travelling over a considerable part of
France, this note found its way back to the Embassy. The boy---he
was only 19---had been killed in action near Belleau Wood, on
June 25th, while leading his detachment in an attack on a machine
gun. Citations and decorations for gallantry in action were given
posthumously by General Pershing, Marshal Pétain, Major
General Omar Bundy, and Major-General John A. LeJeune.
And now the shadows began to close in rapidly on Page. In early
July Major Frank C. Page, the Ambassador's youngest son, came
over from France. A brief glance at his father convinced him that
he was dying. By this time the Ambassador had ceased to go to
the Chancery, but was transacting the most imperative business
propped up in a chair at home. His mind was possessed by two yearnings:
one was to remain in London until the end of the war, the other
was to get back to his childhood home in North Carolina. Young
Page urged his father to resign, but the weary invalid insisted
on sticking to his post. On this point it seemed impossible to
move him. Knowing that his brother Arthur had great influence
with his father, Frank Page cabled, asking him to come to England
immediately. Arthur took the first boat, reaching London late
in July.
The Ambassador's two sons then gently pressed upon their father
the fact that he must resign. Weak as he was, the Ambassador was
still obdurate.
"No," he said. "It's quitting on the job. I
must see .the war through. I can't quit until it's over."
But Sir William Osler, Page's physician and devoted friend,
exercised his professional authority and insisted on the resignation.
Finally Page consented.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To the President
American Embassy, London,
August 1, 1918.
MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:
I have been struggling for a number of months against the
necessity to write you this note; for my doctors now advise me
to give up all work for a period---my London doctor says for
six months. I have a progressive digestive trouble which does
not yield to the usual treatment. It's the war, five London winters,
and the unceasing labour which is now the common lot. I am ashamed
to say that these have brought me to something near a breakdown.
I have had Sir William Osler as well as two distinguished London
physicians for several months. The digestive trouble has brought
other ills in its train; and I am assured that they will yield
to freedom from responsibility and complete rest for a time in
a dry, warm climate and that they are not likely to yield to
anything else.
I see nothing else to do then but to bow to the inevitable
and to ask you to be kind enough to relieve me and to accept
my resignation to take effect as soon as I can go to Washington
and make a somewhat extended report on the work here, which,
I hope, will be of some use to the Department; and I ought to
go as soon as possible---say, in September. I cannot tell you
how great my disappointment is that this request has become necessary.
If the world and its work were so organized that we could
do what we should like to do, I should like a leave of absence
till winter be broken and then to take up my duties here again
till the war end. But that, of course, is impracticable. And
it is now a better time to change Ambassadors than at any time
since the war began. My five years' service has had two main
phases---the difficult period of our neutrality and the far easier
period since we came into the war. But when the war ends, I fear
that there will be again more or less troublesome tasks arising
out of commercial difficulties.
But for any reasonable period the Embassy's work fortunately
can now go on perfectly well with Mr. Laughlin as Chargé---until
my successor can get here. The Foreign Office like him, he is
persona grata to all other Departments of the Government,
and he has had a long experience; and he is most conscientious
and capable. And the organization is in excellent condition.
I venture to ask you to have a cable message sent to me (to
be deciphered by me alone). It will require quite a little time
to pack up and to get away.
I send this, Mr. President, with more regret than I can express
and only after a struggle of more than six months to avoid it.
Yours sincerely,
WALTER H. PAGE.
.
Arthur Page took his father to Banff, in Scotland, for a little
rest in preparation for the voyage. From this place came Page's
last letter to his wife:
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>To Mrs. Page
Duff House, Banff, Scotland.
Sunday, September 2, 1918.
MY DEAR:
. . . I've put the period of our life in London, in my mind,
as closed. That epoch is ended. And I am glad. It was time it
ended. My job (that job) is done. From the letters that
Shoecraft has sent me and from what the papers say, I think I
couldn't have ended it more happily ---or---at a better time.
I find myself thinking of the winter down South---of a Thanksgiving
Day dinner for the older folks of our family, of a Christmas
tree for the kids, of frolics of all sorts, of Rest, of some
writing (perhaps not much), going over my papers with Ralph---that's
what he wants, you know; etc., etc., etc.
And I've got to eat more. I myself come into my thinking and
planning in only two ways---(1) I'm going to have a suit like
old Lord N.'s and (2) I'm going to get all the good things to
eat that there are!
Meantime, my dear, how are you? Don't you let this getting
ready wear you out. Let something go undone rather. Work Miss
Latimer and the boys and the moving and packing men, and Petherick
and the servants. Take it very easy yourself.
Nine and a half more days here---may they speed swiftly. Comfortable
as I am, I'm mortal tired of being away from you---dead tired.
Praise God it's only 91 days. If it were 91, I should not
stand it, but break for home prematurely.
Yours, dear Allie, with all my love,
W. H. P.
.
On August 24th came the President's reply:
.
I have received your communication of August 1st. It caused
me great regret that the condition of your health makes it necessary
for you to resign. Under the circumstances I do not feel I have
the right to insist on such a sacrifice as your remaining in
London. Your resignation is therefore accepted. As you request
it will take effect when you report to Washington. Accept my
congratulations that you have no reason to fear a permanent impairment
of your health and that you can resign knowing that you have
performed your difficult duties with distinguished success.
WOODROW WILSON.
.
The news of Page's resignation inspired tributes from the British
press and from British public men such as have been bestowed upon
few Americans. The London Times headed its leader, "A
Great Ambassador" and this note was echoed in all sections
of Great Britain. The part of Page's career which Englishmen chiefly
recalled was his attitude during the period of neutrality. This,
the newspapers declared, was Page's great contribution to the
cause. The fact, that it had had such far-reaching influences
on history was the one especially insisted on. His conciliatory
and skillful behaviour had kept the United States and Great Britain
friends at a time when a less tactful ambassador might easily
have made them enemies; the result was that, when the time came,
the United States could join forces against the common enemy,
with results that were then daily unfolding on the battlefields
of France. "I really believe," wrote the Marquess of
Crewe, "that there were several occasions when we might have
made it finally impossible for America to join us in the war;
that these passed by may have been partly due to some glimmering
of common sense on our part, with Grey as its main exponent; but
it was more largely owing to your patience and courtesy and to
the certainty which the Foreign Office always enjoyed that its
action would be set before the Secretary of State in as favourable
a light as it conscientiously could be." That, then, was
Page's contribution to the statesmanship of this crisis---that
of holding the two countries together so that, when the time came,
the United States could join the Allies. A mass of private letters,
all breathing the same sentiment, began to pour in on Page. There
was hardly an illustrious name in Great Britain that was not represented
among these leave-takings. As illustrating the character and spirit
animating them, the following selections are made:
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>From the King
The information communicated to me yesterday through Mr. Laughlin
of Your Excellency's resignation of the Post of Ambassador and
the cause of this step fill me with the keenest regret.
During your term of office in days of peace and of war your influence
has done much to strengthen the ties of friendship and good-will
which unite the two English-speaking nations of the world. I
trust your health will soon be restored and that we may have
the pleasure of seeing you and Mrs. Page before your departure.
GEORGE R. I.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>From the Prime Minister
10, Downing Street, Whitehall, S. W. 1,
30th August, 1918.
MY DEAR AMBASSADOR:
It is with the deepest regret that my colleagues and I have
received the news that you have been forced by ill health to
resign your office and that the President has consented to your
relinquishing your ambassadorial duties. We are sorry that you
are leaving us, all the more because your tenure of office has
coincided with one of the greatest epochs in the history of our
two countries and of the world, and because your influence and
counsel throughout this difficult time have been of the utmost
value to us all.
The power for good or evil which can be exerted by the occupant
of your high position is at all times necessarily very great.
That our peoples are now fighting side by side in the cause of
human freedom and that they are manifesting an ever growing feeling
of cordiality to one another is largely attributable to the exceptional
wisdom and good-will with which you have discharged your duties.
For the part you have played during the past five years in bringing
about this happy result we owe you our lasting gratitude.
May I add that while you have always firmly presented the
point of view of your own country, you have succeeded in winning,
not only the respect and admiration of official circles, but
the confidence, and I can say without hesitation, the affection
of all sections of our people? It will be with universal regret
that they will learn that, owing to the strain of the great responsibilities
you have borne, you are no longer to remain among us. I earnestly
trust that a well-earned rest will speedily restore you to complete
health, and that you have many years of public service still
in store for you.
I should like also to say how much we shall miss Mrs. Page.
She has won a real place in all our hearts. Through her unfailing
tact, her genuine kindliness, and her unvarying readiness to
respond to any call upon her time and energy, she has greatly
contributed to the success of your ambassadorship.
Ever sincerely,
D. LLOYD GEORGE.
.
<P ALIGN=CENTER>From Viscount Grey of Fallodon
Glen Innerleithen, Scotland.
September 2, 1918.
DEAR MR. PAGE:
I have been out of touch with current events for a few days,
but yesterday I read the two articles in the Times on
your retirement. I am very grieved to think that you are going.
There was not a word of eulogy in the Times articles that
was not under rather than over-stated, and reflecting thus I
thought how rare it is in public life to have an occasion that
justifies the best that can be said. But it is so now, and I
am filled with deep regret that you are going and with deep gratitude
that you came to us and were here when the war broke out and
subsequently. If the United States had been represented here
by any one less decided as to the right and wrong of the war
and less firm and courageous than yourself, the whole of the
relations between your country and ours would have been in peril.
And if the two countries had gone apart instead of coming together
the whole fate of the world would be very different from what
I hope it will now be.
I have often thought that the forces behind public affairs
are so tremendous that individuals have little real, even when
much apparent, influence upon the course of events. But in the
early years of the war I think everything might have gone wrong
if it had not been that certain men of strong moral conviction
were in certain places. And you were preeminently one of these.
President Wilson I am sure was another, though I know him only
through you and Colonel House and his own public utterances.
Even so your influence must have counted in his action, by your
friendship with him as well as by the fact of your being the
channel through which communications passed between him and us.
I cannot adequately express what it was to me personally in
the dark days of 1914, 1915, and 1916 to know how you felt about
the great issues involved in the war.
I go to Fallodon at the end of this week and come to London
the first week of September---if you and Mrs. Page have not left
by then I hope I may see you. I long to do so before you go.
I wish you may recover perfect health. My eyesight continues
to fail and I shall soon be absolutely dependent upon other eyes
for reading print. Otherwise I feel as well as a schoolboy, but
it is depressing to be so well and yet so crippled in sight.
Please do not trouble to answer this letter---you must have
too many letters of the kind to be able to reply to them separately---but
if there is a chance of my seeing you before you 90. Please let
me have a message to say when and where.
Yours sincerely,
GREY OF F.
.
A few months before his resignation Page had received a letter
from Theodore Roosevelt, who was more familiar than most Americans
with Page's work in London. This summed up what will be probably
the judgment of history upon his ambassadorship. The letter was
in reply to one written to the Ex-President, asking him to show
hospitality to the Archbishop of York,(<A NAME="n191"></A><A
HREF="Pagenotes.htm#191">191</A>) who was about to visit the United
States.
.
(Office of the Metropolitan Magazine)
342 Fourth Ave., New York,
March 1st, 1918.
MY DEAR MR. AMBASSADOR:
I am very much pleased with your letter, and as soon as the
Archbishop arrives, he will be addressed by me with all his titles,
and I will get him to lunch with me or dine with me, or do anything
else he wishes! I shall do it for his own sake, and still more,
my dear fellow, I shall do it for the sake of the Ambassador
who has represented America in London during these trying years
as no other Ambassador in London has ever represented us, with
the exception of Charles Francis Adams, during the Civil War.
Faithfully yours,
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
.
The seriousness of Page's condition was not understood in London;
consequently there were many attempts to do him honour in which
he was unable to participate. Custom demands that a retiring Ambassador
shall go to Windsor Castle to dine and to sleep; but King George,
who was very solicitous about Page's health, offered to spare
the Ambassador this trip, and to come himself to London for this
leave-taking. However, Page insisted on carrying out the usual
programme; but the visit greatly tired him and he found it impossible
personally to take part in any further official farewells. The
last ceremony was a visit from the Lord Mayor and Council of Plymouth,
who came to the Ambassador's house in September to present the
freedom of the city. Ever since Page's speech of August 4, 1917,
Plymouth had been planning to do him this honour; when the Council
heard that the Ambassador's health would make it impossible for
him to visit Plymouth, they asked if they might not come to London.
The proceeding was most impressive and touching and the Ambassador's
five-minute speech, the last one which he made in England, had
all his old earnestness and mental power, though the physical
weakness of the man saddened everybody present. The Lord Mayor
presented the freedom of the ancient borough in a temporary holder,
explaining that a more permanent receptacle would follow the Ambassador
to America. When this arrived, it proved to be a beautiful silver
model of the Mayflower. Certainly there could have been
no more appropriate farewell gift to Page from the English town
whose name so closely links the old country with the United States.
The last scene took place at Waterloo Station. Sir Arthur Walsh
came representing the King, while Mr. Balfour, Lord Robert Cecil,
and other ministers represented the cabinet. The Government had
provided a special railway carriage, and this was stationed at
a convenient place as Page's motor drew up. So weak was the Ambassador
that it was with difficulty that his companions, the ever devoted
Mr. Laughlin, on one side, and Page's secretary, Mr. Shoecraft,
on the other, succeeded in supporting him to his chair. Mr. Balfour,
Lord Robert Cecil and the others then entered the carriage, and,
with all that sympathetic dignity in which Englishmen of this
type excel, said a few gracious and affectionate words of good-bye.
They all stood, with uncovered heads, as the train slowly pulled
out of the station, and caught their final glimpse of Page as
he smiled at them and faintly waved his hand.
Perhaps the man most affected by this leave-taking was Mr.
Balfour. He knew, as did the others, that that frail and emaciated
figure had been one of the greatest friends that Britain had had
at the most dreadful crisis in her history. He has many times
told of this parting scene at Waterloo Station and always with
emotion.
"I loved that man," he once said to an American friend,
recalling this event. "I almost wept when he left England."
<P ALIGN=CENTER>
<IMG SRC="thumbnails/2b.gif" WIDTH="25" HEIGHT="24"
ALIGN="MIDDLE" BORDER="0" ><A HREF="Page17.htm">Chapter
Twenty-Seven</A>
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of Contents</A>
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