View source for Extracts from the Speech of Lord Curzon in the House of Lords, December 19, 1916

<p align="right"> [[Main_Page | WWI Document Archive ]] > [[1916 Documents]] > [[Official Communications and Speeches Relating to Peace Proposals 1916-1917]] > '''Extracts from the Speech of Lord Curzon in the House of Lords, December 19, 1916'''</p><hr>

'''Extracts from the Speech of Lord Curzon in the House of Lords, December 19, 1916<sup>1</sup>'''<br>

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;I hope I shall not be wrong if I state my belief that the friendly wel- <br>
come which has been accorded to the present Government, not least <br>
by your Lordships, has been due to the conviction that a greater and <br>
more concentrated effort, more effective and universal organisation, a <br>
more and adequate and rapid use of the resources not only of ourselves <br>
alone, but of our Allies, are required if we are to carry the war to the <br>
successful termination we all desire. This country is not merely will- <br>
ing to be led, but is almost calling to be driven. They desire the <br>
vigorous prosecution of the war, a sufficient and ample return <br>
for all the sacrifices they have made, reparation by the enemy for his <br>
countless and inconceivable crimes, security that those crimes shall not <br>
be repeated, and that those sacrifices shall not have been made in vain. <br>
They desire that the peace of Europe shall be re-established on the <br>
basis of a free and independent existence of nations great and small. <br>
They desire as regards ourselves that our own country shall be free <br>
from the menace which the triumph of German arms, and still more <br>
the triumph of the German spirit, would entail. It is to carry out <br>
these intentions that the present Government has come into existence, <br>
and by its success or failure in doing so will it be judged. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;At the very moment when she is talking of peace Germany is making <br>
the most stupendous efforts for the prosecution of the war, and to find <br>
new men. She is squeezing possibly the last drop out of the manhood <br>
of her nation. She is compelling every man, woman, and boy, between <br>
sixteen and sixty, to enter the service of the State. At the same time, <br>
with a callous ferocity and disregard of international law, she is driving <br>
the population of the territory she has occupied into compulsory service. <br>
She is even trying to get an army out of Poland by offering it the illu- <br>
sory boon of "independence." That is the nature of the challenge we <br>
have to meet. It has been our object to establish such a system of re-<br>
cruiting as will ensure that no man is taken for the Army who is capa- <br>
ble of rendering more useful service in industry. We ought to have <br>
power to see that every man who is not taken into the Army is em- <br>
ployed on national work. At present it is only on men fit for military <br>
service the nation has the right to call. Unfit men, exempted men, are <br>
surely under the same moral obligation. We need to make a swift and <br>
effective answer to Germany's latest move, and in my opinion it is not <br>
too much to ask the people of this country to take upon themselves in a <br>
few months and as free men the obligations which Germany is im- <br>
posing on herself. As our Army grows our need of munitions grows. A <br>
large part of our labour for munition purposes is at present immobile, <br>
and we have no power to transfer men from where they are wasting <br>
their strength to places where they can be of great service. We have <br>
not the organisation for transferring them as volunteers. These are <br>
the powers we must take, and this is the organisation we must complete. <br>
The matter is not new. It was considered by the War Committee of <br>
the late Government and others, and it was decided that the time had <br>
come for the adoption of universal national service. It was one of the <br>
first matters taken up by the present Government. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*<br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Having dealt so far with the domestic programme of the Government <br>
I will now refer to the military and political situations. While I do not <br>
believe in painting too rosy a picture of affairs, I think we ought not to <br>
take a gloomy view. It is true that Germany has captured the capital <br>
of Roumania, but your Lordships must not imagine that she has gained <br>
all the success even in Roumania that the words of the Imperial Chan- <br>
cellor would appear to suggest. It may be a consolation to your Lord- <br>
ships to know that the oil refineries and stocks in that part of Roumania <br>
which is now in the occupation of the Germans were destroyed before <br>
the arrival of the Germans. It would be invidious if I were to dis- <br>
cuss the cause of Roumania's failure. It is one of the tragic incidents <br>
of the war. The only military Power which could come to the assist- <br>
ance of Roumania was Russia. Russia has done all in her power. The <br>
utmost we could do was to send supplies, as we did, and to engage the <br>
common enemy by an active offensive from our military base at Salo- <br>
nica. What changes have taken place in the external aspect of the war <br>
during the present year? <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*<br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;I distrust statistics, at any rate, in casualties in war, nor do I attach <br>
too much importance to the fact that since July 1 the combined armies<br>
of France and England have taken 105,000 German prisoners, 150 <br>
heavy guns, 200 field guns, and 15,000 machine guns. There have <br>
been much more important consequences than this. The Allies have <br>
established an incontestable superiority not merely in the fighting <br>
strength and stamina of their men, but in artillery and the air. It is <br>
clear that the morale of the Germans is greatly shaken and that their <br>
horses are sick of it. Evidence is accumulating of the bad interior con- <br>
dition of Germany, in some cases the admitted hunger and in some <br>
cases almost starvation, and the progressive physical deterioration of <br>
her people. The outlook is not quite so good for the Central Powers <br>
as they would have us believe, and our attitude need not be one of <br>
despondency or alarm. It is at this moment that Germany has come <br>
forward with offers of peace, or rather I can not fairly use the word <br>
offer, but rather let me say vague adumbrations and indications of <br>
peace. What has been the course of events? First there has been <br>
the speech of the Imperial Chancellor in the Reichstag. Next there is <br>
the note to the Powers. The note proclaims the indestructible strength <br>
of the Central Powers and proclaims that Germany is not only unde- <br>
feated, but undefeatable. It advances the plea that Germany was con- <br>
strained to take up arms for the defence of her existence. It avows <br>
German respect for the rights of other nations — and expresses a <br>
desire to stem the flood of blood, and finally, after this remarkable <br>
preamble, it declares that they propose to enter even now, in the <br>
hour of their triumph, they propose, as an act of condescension. <br>
to enter into peace negotiations. As regards peace, is there a single <br>
one of the Allied Powers who would not welcome peace if it is to be a <br>
genuine peace, a lasting peace, a peace that could be secured on <br>
honorable terms, a peace that would give guarantees for the future? <br>
Is there a single Government, statesman, or individual who does not <br>
wish to put an end to this conflict, which is turning half the world into <br>
a hell and wrecking the brightest prospects of mankind? In what <br>
spirit is it proposed and from whom does it come? <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*<br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Is this the spirit in which your Lordships think that peace proposals <br>
should be made? Does it hold out a reasonable prospect of inducing <br>
the Allies to lay down their arms? Is there any indication of German <br>
desire to make reparation and to give guarantees for the future? So <br>
far as we can judge from that speech, and it is all we have to judge by, <br>
the spirit which breathes in every word is the spirit of German militar- <br>
ism. While that speech is being made Belgian deportation is going on. <br>
It is said that the "peace of God passeth understanding." Surely the<br>
same thing can be said in a different sense of the peace which Germany <br>
proposes. We know nothing of that. We have only the menacing tone <br>
of the note and the speech which accompanied it. Let me put one more <br>
reflection before you. Let no one think for a moment that it is merely by <br>
territorial restitution or by reversion to the status quo ante that the <br>
objects for which the Allies are fighting will be obtained. We are <br>
fighting, it is true, to recover for Belgium, France, Russia, Serbia, and <br>
Roumania the territories which they have lost, and to secure reparation <br>
for the cruel wrongs they have experienced. But you may restore to <br>
them all, and more than all, they have lost, you may pile on indemnities <br>
which no treasury in Europe could produce, and yet the war would <br>
have been in vain if we had no guarantees and no securities against a <br>
repetition of Germany's offense. We are not fighting to destroy Ger- <br>
many. Such an idea has never entered into the mind of any thinking <br>
human being in this country. But we are fighting to secure that the Ger- <br>
man spirit shall not crush the free progress of nations and that the <br>
armed strength of Germany, augmented and fortified, shall not dominate <br>
the future. We are fighting that our grandchildren and our great- <br>
grandchildren shall not have, in days when we have passed away, to go <br>
again through the experience of the years 1914 to 1917. This genera- <br>
tion has suffered in order that the next may live. We are ready enough <br>
for peace when these guarantees have been secured and these objects <br>
attained. Till then we owe it to the hundreds of thousands of our <br>
fellow-countrymen and our Allies, who have shed their blood for us, to <br>
be true to the trust of their splendid and uncomplaining sacrifice and <br>
to endure to the end.<br>

<hr>
<sup>1</sup> <i>The Morning Post</i>, London, December 20, 1916