Nr. 382 Zwei Artikel des »Daily Chronicle« vom 29. Juli 1914 mit Randbemerkungen des Kaisers, 29. Juli 1914: Difference between revisions
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Austria on the one band, and Russia on <br> | Austria on the one band, and Russia on <br> | ||
the other, with the Balkan States taking <br> | the other, with the Balkan States taking <br> | ||
this side | this side or that? And, more terrible <br> | ||
still for US across the British Channel, is <br> | still for US across the British Channel, is <br> | ||
this war to involve the longthreatened <br> | this war to involve the longthreatened <br> | ||
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in a struggle by sea, land, and air out of <br> | in a struggle by sea, land, and air out of <br> | ||
which, even if we come victorious, we <br> | which, even if we come victorious, we <br> | ||
shall be incredibly maimed and im- <br> | <i>shall be incredibly maimed and im- <br> | ||
poverished. Moreover, our very victory <br> | poverished</i>. Moreover, <i>our very victory</i> <br> | ||
as the Partisans of Teuton or of Slav, <br> | as the Partisans of Teuton or of Slav, <br> | ||
or the ally of France (and consequently <br> | or the ally of France (and consequently <br> | ||
of Russia) may upset the balance of <br> | of Russia) may <i>upset the balance of <br> | ||
power in Europe or Asia to our great <br> | power in Europe or Asia to our great <br> | ||
disadvantage. <br> | disadvantage</i>. <br> | ||
<center>H o w B r i t a i n i s S i t u a t e d.</center> | <center>H o w B r i t a i n i s S i t u a t e d.</center> | ||
As things stand we have no interests <br> | As things stand we <i>have no interests <br> | ||
at stake in this clash of ambitions <br> | at stake in this clash of ambitions</i> <br> | ||
between the Powers of Central and of <br> | between the Powers of Central and of <br> | ||
Eastern Europe. We are friends with <br> | Eastern Europe. We are friends with <br> | ||
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their ambitions. But if they are not, and <br> | their ambitions. But if they are not, and <br> | ||
are about to resort to the arbitrament of <br> | are about to resort to the arbitrament of <br> | ||
arms to | arms to adjust their claims, well, it <br> | ||
should be no concern of ours provided it <br> | should be no concern of ours provided it <br> | ||
did not lead to two developments-the <br> | did not lead to two developments-the <br> | ||
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gium and Holland. <br> | gium and Holland. <br> | ||
What has provoked the present <br> | What has provoked the present <br> | ||
crisis? The intrigues of Russia with<br> | crisis? The <i>intrigues of Russia with<br> | ||
Servia. Russia, in her unfaltering <br> | Servia</i>. Russia, in her unfaltering <br> | ||
determination to gain free access to the <br> | determination to gain free access to the <br> | ||
Mediterranean, has intrigued with Ru- <br> | Mediterranean, has <i>intrigued with Ru- <br> | ||
mania and, above all, with Servia and <br> | mania</i> and, above all, with <i>Servia and <br> | ||
Montenegro for the last 20 years, in <br> | Montenegro</i> for the <i>last 20 years</i>, in <br> | ||
Order to stay the southward march of <br> | Order to stay the southward march of <br> | ||
the Austrian Empire. Bulgaria she now <br> | the Austrian Empire. Bulgaria she now <br> | ||
regards as a negligible quantity; Ru- <br> | regards as a negligible quantity; Ru- <br> | ||
mania, Servia, Montenegro and Albania <br> | mania, Servia, Montenegro and Albania <br> | ||
constitute the chain of vassal States she <br> | constitute the <i>chain of vassal States she <br> | ||
would like to bring within her sphere of <br> | would like to bring within her sphere of</i> <br> | ||
influence as an effectual barrier to any <br> | |||
eastward advance of Teutonic authority. <br> | eastward <i>advance of Teutonic authority</i>. <br> | ||
With these brought under her financial <br> | With these brought under her financial <br> | ||
and diplomatic control, any German <br> | and diplomatic control, any German <br> | ||
plans of | plans of railway or colonial adventure in <br> | ||
Asia Minor and Mesopotamia would <br> | Asia Minor and Mesopotamia would <br> | ||
wither like a limb separated from its <br> | wither like a limb separated from its <br> | ||
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<center>I n t e r v e n t i o n o f F r a n c e.</center> | <center>I n t e r v e n t i o n o f F r a n c e.</center> | ||
Where does danger for Great Britain <br> | Where does danger for Great Britain <br> | ||
lie in this Teutonic conflict with the <br> | lie in this <i>Teutonic conflict with the <br> | ||
forces of Slavdom? In the intervention<br> | forces of Slavdom? In the intervention<br> | ||
of France. France, like every other <br> | of France</i>. France, like every other <br> | ||
Power, ourselves included, is perfectly <br> | Power, <i>ourselves included</i>, is perfectly <br> | ||
<i>selfish</i> in her policy. Her thoughts are <br> | |||
concentrated mainly on revenge for <br> | concentrated mainly on revenge for <br> | ||
1870-1 and the recovery of Alsace-Lor- <br> | 1870-1 and the <i>recovery of Alsace-Lor- <br> | ||
raine. That is the only reason she has <br> | raine</i>. That is the only reason she has <br> | ||
allied | allied herself with Russia. If <i>she can <br> | ||
take Germany at a disadvantage she <br> | take Germany at a disadvantage</i> she <br> | ||
may recover all or part of her lost <br> | may recover all or part of her lost <br> | ||
provinces. She is indifferent to the <br> | provinces. She is indifferent to the <br> | ||
other consequences of a German defeat <br> | other consequences of a German defeat <br> | ||
(and in all this talk about Austria-Hun-<br> | (and in <i>all this talk about Austria-Hun-<br> | ||
gary, Germany is the protagonist we all <br> | gary, Germany is the protagonist we all <br> | ||
have in view), careless as to whether or <br> | have in view</i>), careless as to whether or <br> | ||
not it may mean a Russian advance <br> | not it may mean a Russian advance <br> | ||
through Lapland to the North Sea and <br> | through Lapland to the North Sea and <br> | ||
an enfeeblement of Sweden, a Russian <br> | an enfeeblement of Sweden, a <i>Russian <br> | ||
annexation of Asia Minor, and an <br> | annexation of Asia Minor, and an <br> | ||
advance to the Persian Gulf. <br> | advance to the Persian Gulf</i>. <br> | ||
Supposing France gets the worst of <br> | Supposing France gets the worst of <br> | ||
a struggle with Germany. It will mean <br> | a struggle with Germany. It will mean <br> | ||
a German control over Belgium and <br> | <i>a German control over Belgium and <br> | ||
Holland, and a disastrous strategic<br> | Holland</i>, and a <i>disastrous strategic<br> | ||
position</i> for Great Britain on the shores <br> | |||
of the North Sea. Or if France is <br> | of the North Sea. Or if France is <br> | ||
victorious, and consequently Russia <br> | victorious, and consequently Russia <br> | ||
likewise, a dangerous elimination of <br> | likewise, a dangerous <i>elimination of <br> | ||
Teutonia from the balance of power, and <br> | Teutonia</i> from the <i>balance of power</i>, and <br> | ||
an ultimate | an <i>ultimate duel between Britain and <br> | ||
Russia for the control of Asia. The <br> | Russia for the control of Asia</i>. The <br> | ||
real danger in this medley of problems <br> | <i>real danger</i> in this medley of problems <br> | ||
is the Franco-Russian Alliance. But for<br> | is the <i>Franco-Russian Alliance</i>. But for<br> | ||
that unhappy fact there really might <br> | that unhappy fact there really might <br> | ||
have been a Franco-British Alliance; <br> | have been a Franco-British Alliance; <br> | ||
there may yet be if our diplomacy can, at <br> | there may yet <i>be if our diplomacy can</i>, at <br> | ||
the last critical moment detach France <br> | the last critical <i>moment detach France <br> | ||
from the ambitions of Russia, and leave <br> | from the ambitions of Russia, and leave</i> <br> | ||
that Power entirely to | that Power <i>entirely to herself</i>, to decide <br> | ||
whether she has more to gain in fighting <br> | whether she has more to gain in fighting <br> | ||
a coalition of Sweden, Germany, Italy, <br> | a coalition of Sweden, Germany, Italy, <br> | ||
Austria, and Bulgaria (with Turkey <br> | Austria, and Bulgaria (with <i>Turkey <br> | ||
possibly</i> superadded), or in disinter- <br> | |||
esting | esting herself from the affairs of the <br> | ||
Balkan Peninsula, resting content with <br> | Balkan Peninsula, resting content with <br> | ||
the enormous share of Europe she <br> | the enormous share of Europe she <br> | ||
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<center>B r i t a i n' s F i r s t L i n e o f </center> | <center>B r i t a i n' s F i r s t L i n e o f </center> | ||
<center>D e f e n c e.</center> | <center>D e f e n c e.</center> | ||
In that last capacity, as this | In that last capacity, as this civiliser <br> | ||
of Armenia, Northern Persia, Tur- <br> | of Armenia, Northern Persia, Tur- <br> | ||
kestan, Mongolia, Siberia and Man- <br> | kestan, Mongolia, Siberia and Man- <br> | ||
churia she has already gained over the <br> | churia she has already gained over the <br> | ||
virtual concurrence of Great Britain; <br> | |||
and her efforts there and their already <br> | and her efforts there and their already <br> | ||
patent results (especially in Central <br> | patent results (especially in Central <br> | ||
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British interests of the first order. They <br> | British interests of the first order. They <br> | ||
are our first line of defence. This is <br> | are our first line of defence. This is <br> | ||
why the Franco-Russian Alliance is an <br> | why the <i>Franco-Russian Alliance is an <br> | ||
object of intense dislike and uneasy<br> | object of intense dislike and uneasy<br> | ||
suspicion to all far-seeing men and <br> | suspicion</i> to all far-seeing men and <br> | ||
women on this side of the English <br> | women on this side of the English <br> | ||
Channel; for its provisions may at any <br> | Channel; for its provisions may at any <br> | ||
moment drag France — and | <i>moment drag France — and behind her, <br> | ||
Britain — into | Britain</i> — into quarrels between <i>Slav, <br> | ||
Teuton and Magyar in the Near East <br> | Teuton</i> and <i>Magyar in the Near East</i> <br> | ||
which do not concern either the French<br> | which <i>do not concern either the French<br> | ||
or ourselves; except that both Powers <br> | or ourselves</i>; except that <i>both Powers</i> <br> | ||
would suffer grievously in their <br> | would suffer grievously in their <br> | ||
interests if Russia seated | interests if Russia <i>seated herself on the <br> | ||
Byzantine throne. <br> | Byzantine throne</i>. <br> | ||
<center>Duty of Avoiding European Conflict.</center> | <center><i>Duty of Avoiding European Conflict.</i></center> | ||
<center>By Francis W. Hirst.</center> <br> | <center>By Francis W. Hirst.</center> <br> | ||
I notice that the Yellow Press is <br> | I notice that the Yellow Press is <br> | ||
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France and Russia mobilise we ought to <br> | France and Russia mobilise we ought to <br> | ||
mobilise too. If they fight we ought to <br> | mobilise too. If they fight we ought to <br> | ||
fight too. Parliament has been solemnly <br> | fight too. <i>Parliament has been solemnly <br> | ||
informed that we are under no obliga- <br> | informed</i> that we are <i>under no obliga- <br> | ||
tion of a military or naval kind either <br> | tion of a military or naval kind either <br> | ||
to Russia or to France. No British <br> | to Russia or to France. No British <br> | ||
interest is involved</i>. It is difficult even<br> | |||
to fix our individual sympathies. <br> | to fix our individual sympathies. <br> | ||
If the Afghans had been seeking a <br> | If the Afghans had been seeking a <br> | ||
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And I am quite certain that in that case <br> | And I am quite certain that in that case <br> | ||
Austria would have raised no protest. <br> | Austria would have raised no protest. <br> | ||
Then what, I would ask, is Mr. Churchill <br> | Then what, I <i>would ask, is Mr. Churchill <br> | ||
doing What possible ground can<br> | |||
there be for a mobilisation of the | there be for a mobilisation of the fleet</i> <br> | ||
Was it a mere outburst of meddlesome <br> | Was it a mere <i>outburst of meddlesome <br> | ||
Chauvinism? <br> | Chauvinism?</i> <br> | ||
<center>T h i s i s n o t O u r Q u a r r e l.</center> | <center><i>T h i s i s n o t O u r Q u a r r e l.</i></center> | ||
My object in writing to you at this <br> | My object in writing to you at this <br> | ||
moment is to urge the prime duty of <br> | moment is to urge the prime duty of <br> | ||
maintaining right throughout this awful <br> | maintaining <i>right</i> throughout this awful <br> | ||
crisis an attitude of strict neutrality. <br> | crisis an attitude of strict neutrality. <br> | ||
This is not our quarrel; nor would the <br> | This is <i>not our quarrel</i>; nor would the <br> | ||
entrance into it of Russia, Germany, <br> | entrance into it of Russia, Germany, <br> | ||
France or any other State give any <br> | France or any other State <i>give any <br> | ||
British Government any moral right to <br> | British Government any moral right to <br> | ||
spill British blood or to spend British<br> | spill British blood or to spend British<br> | ||
treasure in a war whose only intelligible <br> | treasure</i> in a war whose only intelligible <br> | ||
purpose would be the destruction of <br> | purpose would be the <i>destruction of <br> | ||
civilisation in Western Europe. If four <br> | civilisation in Western Europe</i>. If four <br> | ||
millions of Russians and Servians are <br> | millions of Russians and Servians are <br> | ||
to be flung against four millions of <br> | to be flung against four millions of <br> | ||
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fifteen hundred thousand Frenchmen <br> | fifteen hundred thousand Frenchmen <br> | ||
and an equal number of Italians into the <br> | and an equal number of Italians into the <br> | ||
conflict that would supply three million<br> | conflict that would supply three <i>million<br> | ||
more reasons why Britain should <br> | more reasons why Britain should <br> | ||
remain at peace. <br> | remain at peace</i>. <br> | ||
In the City one is glad to learn — <br> | In the City one is glad to learn — <br> | ||
and I believe the same is true of business <br> | and I believe the same is true of business <br> | ||
men all over the | men all over the country — that one opinion <br> | ||
prevails. "It is no concern of ours" is <br> | prevails. "<i>It is no concern of ours</i>" is <br> | ||
the general cry. The greatest of British <br> | the general cry. The <i>greatest of British</i> <br> | ||
interests is peace. The folly and <br> | interests is <i>peace</i>. The <i>folly and <br> | ||
wickedness of fighting for Russia <br> | wickedness of fighting for Russia <br> | ||
against Germany are not less clear than<br> | against Germany are not less clear than<br> | ||
the folly and wickedness of fighting for <br> | the folly and wickedness of fighting for <br> | ||
Germany against France. <br> | Germany against France</i>. <br> | ||
<center>T e n M i l l i o n s a D a y.</center> | <center>T e n M i l l i o n s a D a y.</center> | ||
In any case we shall suffer. The <br> | In <i>any case we shall suffer</i>. The <br> | ||
appalling losses of such a war — which <br> | appalling losses of such a war — which <br> | ||
might cost in wealth alone anything up <br> | might cost in wealth alone anything up <br> | ||
to ten millions Sterling a day — will <br> | to ten millions Sterling a day — will <br> | ||
be spread over the | be spread over the whole world, and <br> | ||
will fall heavily enough upon London, <br> | will fall heavily enough upon <i>London</i>, <br> | ||
which | which supports the <i>delicate fabric of <br> | ||
international credit. <br> | international credit</i>. <br> | ||
The main hope just now — as a <br> | The main hope just now — as a <br> | ||
great banker said to me a day or two<br> | great banker said to me a day or two<br> | ||
ago — is the dearth of money. Every <br> | ago — is the dearth of money. Every <br> | ||
great Continental State is living on <br> | great Continental State is living on <br> | ||
capital or credit. The extreme | capital or credit. The <i>extreme financial <br> | ||
weakness of Russia and France may <br> | weakness</i> of <i>Russia and France</i> may <br> | ||
give their rulers pause, may save them <br> | give their rulers pause, may save them <br> | ||
from ruin and bankruptcy. <br> | from ruin and bankruptcy. <br> | ||
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and sober-minded people. The makers <br> | and sober-minded people. The makers <br> | ||
of war material are far more powerful <br> | of war material are far more powerful <br> | ||
than most of us suspect. A cunning <br> | than most of us suspect. <i>A cunning <br> | ||
and unscrupulous Press is at work on <br> | and unscrupulous Press is at work on <br> | ||
behalf of war. All that Cobden and <br> | behalf of war</i>. All that Cobden and <br> | ||
Morley have taught is in danger of <br> | Morley have taught is in danger of <br> | ||
being forgotten. If the war spreads and <br> | being forgotten. If the war spreads and <br> | ||
we are entangled, great finance houses, <br> | we are entangled, great finance houses, <br> | ||
great merchants and manufacturers will <br> | great merchants and manufacturers will <br> | ||
go down like ninepins. Capital will <br> | go <i>down like ninepins</i>. Capital <i>will <br> | ||
perish. Mills will dose. Shops will <br> | perish</i>. Mills will dose. Shops will <br> | ||
empty. Orders for advertisements will <br> | empty. Orders for advertisements will <br> | ||
cease. <br> | cease. <br> | ||
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hitherto so loyal and patriotic, will turn <br> | hitherto so loyal and patriotic, will turn <br> | ||
savagely against the powers that be. Let <br> | savagely against the powers that be. Let <br> | ||
us all, whatever our party, stand <br> | us all, whatever our party, <i>stand <br> | ||
together and do</i> what we can to avert<br> | |||
this crowning calamity.<br> | this crowning calamity.<br> | ||
<br> | <br> | ||
bravo !<br> | <i>bravo !</i><br> | ||
<br><br><br> | <br><br><br> | ||
<center>Ü b e r s e t z u n g</center><br> | <center>Ü b e r s e t z u n g</center><br> | ||
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in einen Krieg zur See, zu Lande und in den <br> | in einen Krieg zur See, zu Lande und in den <br> | ||
Lüften verwickeln, aus dem wir — selbst <br> | Lüften verwickeln, aus dem wir — selbst <br> | ||
wenn wir die Sieger bleiben — unsagbar <br> | wenn wir die Sieger bleiben — <i>unsagbar <br> | ||
geschwächt und verarmt hervorgehen werden. <br> | geschwächt und verarmt hervorgehen werden</i>. <br> | ||
Zudem könnte gerade unser | Zudem könnte <i>gerade unser Sieg</i> als Bundes- <br> | ||
genosse des Teutonen oder Slawen oder als <br> | genosse des Teutonen oder Slawen oder als <br> | ||
Verbündeter Frankreichs (und folglich Ruß- <br> | Verbündeter Frankreichs (und folglich Ruß- <br> | ||
lands) das Gleichgewicht der Mächte in Europa <br> | lands) <i>das Gleichgewicht der Mächte in Europa <br> | ||
oder Asien zu unserm großen Nachteil stören. <br> | oder Asien zu unserm großen Nachteil stören</i>. <br> | ||
<center>D i e L a g e, i n d e r s i c h E n g l a n d</center> | <center>D i e L a g e, i n d e r s i c h E n g l a n d</center> | ||
<center>b e f i n d e t.</center> | <center>b e f i n d e t.</center> |
Revision as of 11:10, 30 June 2015
WWI Document Archive > Official Papers > Die Deutschen Dokumente zum Kriegsausbruch 1914 — Volume 1 > Nr. 382.
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At the time these lines are being As things stand we have no interests Where does danger for Great Britain In that last capacity, as this civiliser I notice that the Yellow Press is My object in writing to you at this In any case we shall suffer. The Während des Schreibens dieser Zeilen Wie die Dinge liegen, stehen bei diesem Wo liegt bei diesem teutonischen Konflikt In der Eigenschaft als Kulturträger in Ich bemerke, daß die gelbe Presse nach Wenn ich in diesem Augenblick schreibe, In jedem Fall werden wir leiden. Die |
beides in unserer |
1 Zeitungsausschnitt vom Auswärtigen Amt dem Kaiser zugesandt, Eingangs-
vermerk des Amts: 20. Juli; vom Kaiser am 31. Juli ins Amt zurück-
gelangt.