View source for Speech of Viscount Motono, Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, in the Diet, January 23, 1917

<p align="right"> [[Main_Page | WWI Document Archive ]] > [[1916 Documents]] > [[Official Communications and Speeches Relating to Peace Proposals 1916-1917]] > '''Speech of Viscount Motono, Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, in the Diet, January 23, 1917'''</p><hr>


'''Speech of Viscount Motono, Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, in the Diet, January 23, 1917<sup>1</sup>'''

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The great war which has been ravaging Europe for two years and a <br>
half is an event without precedent in the history of humanity. With- <br>
out doubt it will have incalculable effect upon the destiny of nations <br>
in the future; on the issue of this war will hang the liberty of na- <br>
tions. The question is whether the small and the great nations oi <br>
Europe will be subjugated by Germany or not. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;You all know the origin of the present war. The impossible de- <br>
mands of Austria-Hungary upon Serbia were apparently the cause <br>
of the taking up of arms by European nations, but the real cause was <br>
Germany's ambition for world domination for which preparations <br>
were being made for many years past. Germany cherishing great <br>
ambitions for the distant future, had seized upon Tsingtau in 1898<br> 
with the view of gobbling up the whole of China in time. That <br>
this has bpen so nobody will contend to-day. The great pan-Germanist <br>
propaganda, the elaborate and marvelous military preparations, these <br>
are no longer a secret. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;In the summer of 1914 Germany thought that the time had come <br>
for imposing upon the world a powerful German domination; she <br>
thought that in a couple of months there would be an end of her <br>
enemies' resistance. All calculations were baffled and now at the end <br>
of two years and a half she finds herself forced to pursue the strug- <br>
gle anew. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Japan, at the first appeal from Great Britain, did not hesitate for <br>
a moment in coming to her aid; she has loyally accomplished her <br>
duty by her ally, our army and navy succeeded in a few months in <br>
bringing to naught the German resistance in our part of the world. <br>
In destroying the bases of German activity in China, Japan has se- <br>
cured the order and tranquillity of the extreme East. In cooperating <br>
with Great Britain in the destroying of the German fleet in the Pacific <br>
and the Indian Oceans Japan has greatly contributed to the assuring <br>
of the safety of mercantile trade in these seas not only for Japan and <br>
Great Britain but for all nations, allied and neutral. At a time when <br>
our enemies do not recoil from the most horrible means of destroy-<br>
ing the trade by sea of the nations, the Pacific and the Indian oceans <br>
are free from German brigandage. I am persuaded that the civilized <br>
world will do us justice for the services rendered by Japan to the <br>
cause of humanity at large. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;In declaring war on Germany and in acceding to the Declaration <br>
of London of the 5th of September, 1914, Japan has made her posi- <br>
tion clear in the formidable struggle. We have taken part in this war <br>
not merely for the defence of our particular interests but also for the <br>
defence of those of our allies, as well as the interests of humanity in <br>
general. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;It is necessary that righteousness and justice should emerge vic- <br>
torious out of this merciless struggle ; it is necessary that the world <br>
should be given to live in all tranquillity after this cataclysm. In <br>
order to attain this noble end there must be before everything a <br>
victory complete and definitive for our allied powers. Without a com- <br>
plete victory it need scarcely be remarked that the peace of the Far <br>
East for which we have made all manner of sacrifices will remain in <br>
real danger. And for obtaining this victory a sacred union not only <br>
of all the governments but also of the peoples ranged on our side in <br>
defence of the inseparable rights of humanity, is an essential condi- <br>
tion. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;In consenting to take part in this war, Japan was under the obliga- <br>
tion, in view of her particular position in Asia, of limiting from the <br>
beginning her sphere of military action; but after having faithfully <br>
accomplished the task incumbent upon her she has made and will ever <br>
make every effort toward the attainment of the final victory by her <br>
allies. The struggle between the allies and the common enemies is <br>
not one simply of military and naval forces, but it is a struggle ex- <br>
tending over all spheres of human activities. It is the reason why <br>
we should march forward in every direction in an accord as com- <br>
plete as possible. Hence it is that we have adhered to the resolutions <br>
of the Economic Conference of Paris. It is for that reason again <br>
that the Imperial Government have taken some administrative meas- <br>
ures with a view to safeguarding our common interests in the mat- <br>
ter of postal and telegraphic communications. It is also with that <br>
end in view that the Government are contemplating to take other and <br>
different measures in consequence of the Economic Conference. It <br>
was further for the purpose of keeping in more complete accord <br>
with our allies that the Imperial Government gave a prompt assent <br>
to the project of the response, proposed by the French Government <br>
in the name of the allies, to the German and American notes. The rea-<br>
sons that caused our refusal toward the German proposal have been<br> 
clearly stated in the identic note. The Imperial Government con- <br>
sider with the allied governments that the pretensions of the hostile <br>
governments are inadmissible and that the time has not yet come for <br>
entering upon peace negotiations. With your permission I will next <br>
say a few words in regard to our reply to the American note. While <br>
highly approving the elevated sentiments which inspired this de- <br>
marche of the American Government, the allied governments did not <br>
feel bound to accede to the desire of peace expressed by that govern- <br>
ment. The reasons for this decision on their part were set forth in <br>
the note forwarded in Paris to the American Ambassador by the <br>
French Government in the name of the allied powers. In the reply <br>
to the American Government, the allied powers state a certain num- <br>
ber of conditions which they consider it indispensable to impose on <br>
the hostile governments on the occasion of the conclusion of peace. <br>
The absence of all reference to the future disposition of the German <br>
colonies has justly attracted the attention of the Japanese public, <br>
neither has it escaped the notice of the Imperial Government. The <br>
reply to the American note by no means contains all the conditions <br>
of peace. The allied powers have reserved the right to present the <br>
conditions in detail at the time of the peace negotiations. This last <br>
point is indicated in the note to America. The Imperial Government, <br>
when they adhered to the project of the response to the American <br>
note, knew that the allied powers had not neglected to take into <br>
proper consideration the just claims which Japan would present at <br>
the peace negotiations. Nevertheless to clear away all misunder- <br>
standing on this point, we took the necessary measures, in sending. <br>
our reply of adhesion to the French Government, for safeguarding <br>
our rights, and I am happy to be able to assure you that a most <br>
satisfactory understanding exists on this subject among all the allies <br>
at a moment when the allied powers have taken the decision of con- <br>
tinuing the war until the victor}^ of justice and righteousness as' well <br>
as true peace of the world has been realized. I would most eagerly <br>
express our sentiments of the most sincere appreciation for the ef- <br>
forts displayed by Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Belgium, Ser- <br>
bia, Montenegro and Roumania. At the same time I would express <br>
our most profound admiration for their brave armies and navies. I <br>
also wish to testify to our hearty sympathy for the inhabitants of the <br>
regions fouled by the foot of the cruel and barbarous invaders and <br>
I am firmly persuaded that a future more glorious is in store for these <br>
unfortunate peoples.<br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;It is needless for me to state that our alliance with Great Britain <br>
is the basis of our foreign policy. The present war has demonstrated <br>
the solidity as well as the benefits of this alliance. The Japanese and <br>
the British people have realized in the most evident manner the neces- <br>
sity of this alliance for the protection of the rights and interests of the <br>
two empires. It is at the same time an essential guaranty for the <br>
maintenance of the order and peace of the extreme Orient. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;We must also felicitate ourselves upon the understanding signed <br>
between Japan and Russia in July, 1916. All the succeeding cabinets <br>
of Japan since the end of the Russian war have pursued the policy of <br>
rapprochement with that nation. The two governments of Japan and <br>
Russia saw the necessity of this policy immediately after the conclu- <br>
sion of peace. Inaugurated by our first entente in 1907, this policy <br>
has been uniformly pursued and enhanced by the successive ententes <br>
which finally led to the Convention of 1916, concluded amidst events <br>
destined to produce incalculable consequences upon Russia. This <br>
convention has had the effect of enlightening the public opinion of <br>
Russia to the perception of the sincerity of the Japanese sentiments. <br>
I do not hesitate to state to you that the government and people of <br>
Russia testify a profound sense of gratitude to Japan for the great <br>
services rendered to Russia in our furnishing her with ammunitions <br>
which facilitated her military operations. Having been a personal <br>
observer for more than two years of the evolution of the Russian <br>
mentality, I believe I am able to affirm to you that the Russian nation <br>
entertain the most sincere and frank amity toward Japan. Japan and <br>
Russia have great interests in common to be safeguarded in the Far <br>
East. This intimate accord between the two nations, no less than <br>
the Anglo- Japanese alliance, constitutes an indispensable guaranty for <br>
peace in our part of the world in spite of the troubled times amidst <br>
which we find ourselves. <br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;I am happy to be able to state to you that our relations with the <br>
neutral powers are more than ever cordial. I am persuaded that all <br>
the neutral nations will do us full justice for the immense service <br>
done by our navy for their foreign commerce. If we had not, in <br>
concert with the British navy, destroyed the German fleet in the <br>
Pacific, where would the maritime commerce of the neutral countries <br>
be, especially of countries such as America, Australia and China, <br>
which border upon the Pacific? I am firmly convinced that all the <br>
neutral powers that have profited by the security of the seas assured <br>
by the two navies, will recognize the justice of what I have just stated <br>
to you.<br>
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;You are aware that Japan has always preserved the most sincerely <br>
amicable relations with the government and the people of America, <br>
though from time to time there have been light clouds which have <br>
cast a shadow upon our relations though ever so little. These clouds <br>
have generally been dissipated by the common good-will of the two <br>
governments. There certainly have been questions about which the <br>
two governments could not come to a complete accord, but that will <br>
be the case between even the best of allies. However, when one faces <br>
the most thorny questions in a friendly and frank spirit, with the will of <br>
solving them in an amicable and conciliatory manner, there will surely <br>
be found a way to an understanding. It is this end that the two gov- <br>
ernments have always pursued to the great satisfaction of our two <br>
countries. It affords me great pleasure to state that there have been <br>
symptoms of more real sympathy manifested of late between the <br>
countries. As one instance we have been approached by the Ameri- <br>
can capitalists for cooperation in financial affairs in China. The Im- <br>
perial Government are watching with lively interest the further devel- <br>
opment of the economic rapprochement between the two countries. <br>
I would not speak of all the events that have come to pass in China <br>
in recent years, which must be still fresh in your memory. We must <br>
recognize that as the result of these events there has been created a <br>
certain atmosphere which is not altogether desirable. It is for the <br>
good of our two countries that this state of things should absolutely <br>
disappear. In view of the great political and economic interests which <br>
Japan possesses in China, it has always been the sincere desire of this<br> 
country to see her neighbor developed along the paths of modern <br>
civilization and we have spared no efforts for that purpose. It was <br>
for that purpose also that we sent to China a number of civil and <br>
military advisors, and that we concurred with other countries in fur- <br>
nishing China with the financial means of accomplishing reforms of <br>
every kind and also that we undertook the education and instruction <br>
of the young Chinese students who are coming to Japan by thousands.<br> 
Nobody would contradict me when I say that China certainly is in- <br>
debted much to Japan in her work of reorganization pursued for <br>
several years. Why is it that in spite of all our well-meant efforts, <br>
China seems often to regard us with mistrust and even animosity? <br>
There may be many causes for that, but the chief reason, to my mind, is <br>
the tendency on the part of the Japanese towards interference in <br>
China's internal quarrels since the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty <br>
and the establishment of the republican régime. There have since <br>
been formed in China a number of political parties, for one or another<br>
of which parties there have been some Japanese who have expressed <br>
sympathy. These persons have developed marked tendency towards <br>
a desire to help these political parties to obtain power according as <br>
their own political opinions or personal sympathy dictate. I am per- <br>
suaded that all these persons are perfectly sincere in their desire of <br>
helping our neighboring friends, but the results were deplorable. <br>
To what did our attitude at the moment of the formation of the <br>
Republic lead, and to what did all the movements inimical to the <br>
President lead? You are aware of it so well that I need not dwell <br>
upon it. But what I have to state is that in the wake of all these <br>
facts we have had no other results than to invite, on the one hand, the <br>
animosity of our neighbors and, on the other, to cause other nations' <br>
misunderstanding of the real intentions of Japan. I do not hesitate <br>
to state that the present Cabinet absolutely repudiate this mode of <br>
action. We desire to maintain the most cordial relations with China. <br>
We desire nothing more than the gradual accomplishment by China <br>
of all her schemes of reform, and we shall leave nothing undone in <br>
order to help her in the task, if she so desires. Endeavors shall not <br>
be wanting on our part to make China comprehend the sincerity of <br>
our sentiments toward her, though it must always remain with China <br>
whether she should have faith in us or not. We have not the least <br>
intention, I formally declare hereby, of favoring this or that political <br>
party in China; all we desire is the maintenance of cordial relations <br>
of amity with China herself and not with any political party. It is <br>
essential that China should develop herself smoothly along the path <br>
of progress and we dread nothing more than the possible disintegra- <br>
tion of China through her continued troubles. We must put forth <br>
every effort to prevent that sad possibility, for nothing is more indis- <br>
pensable than that China should maintain her independence and ter- <br>
ritorial integrity. The other point to which the government must <br>
call your attention is the special position occupied by Japan in certain <br>
portions of China. I am speaking especially of South Manchuria and <br>
East Inner Mongolia. Our special situation in these parts has been <br>
acquired at the cost of immense sacrifice and immeasurable efforts <br>
on our part and on the strength of this circumstance our rights and <br>
interests in these parts have been consecrated by treaties and arrange- <br>
ments. It is therefore the most elementary duty of the Imperial Gov- <br>
ernment toward the nation to safeguard these rights and interests. <br>
In the same way it is necessary that China should comprehend that it <br>
is not only a matter of compliance with international duty that China <br>
should respect these rights and interests of Japan, but it would be<br>
nothing more than the realization of the good understanding between <br>
our two countries. <br>
If China would continue, as we sincerely desire she would, rela- <br>
tions of the greatest confidence and amity with Japan, it is necessary <br>
that she should follow the same lines of conduct as those we intend <br>
to follow with her. It is on this condition alone that anything like a <br>
firm understanding can exist between us. The Imperial Government <br>
have the strongest conviction that if the Chinese Government under- <br>
stood the pure and clear intentions of Japan, China would not have <br>
any objection to Japan's sincere policy of good understanding in the <br>
relations between Japan and China. Nobody certainly would dispute <br>
the fact that Japan occupies a peculiar position in China as well on <br>
account of her geographic position as her political and economic in- <br>
terests; but we must not any more ignore the fact that other powers <br>
have likewise immense interests in China. We must, therefore, while <br>
safeguarding our own interests there, take care to respect those of <br>
other nations. We must before everything try to move in accord <br>
with powers with which we are under the pledge of special arrange- <br>
ments and in a general way endeavor to reconcile our interests with <br>
those of others. We are firmly convinced that such is the line of <br>
conduct best suited to the common interests of all powers concerned. <br>
Japan has not any intention to follow an egoistic policy in China. It <br>
is her sincere desire to keep in complete accord with the countries <br>
concerned, and the Imperial Government firmly believe that with <br>
good-will on both sides we shall be able to arrive at a complete under- <br>
standing which will be for the best interests both of China and all <br>
other countries.<br>

<hr>
<sup>1</sup>Furnished by the Imperial Japanese Embassy at Washington.